Cette étude traite de l'évolution de la prosodie dans le style journalistique français, à partir de l'analyse acoustique d'archives audiovisuelles remontant aux années 1940. Un corpus d'une dizaine d'heures de parole a été examiné automatiquement, et nous nous sommes concentrés sur l'accent initial, qui peut donner une impression de style emphatique. Des mesures objectives suggèrent qu'en un demi-siècle les traits suivants ont diminué : la hauteur de voix des journalistes, la montée mélodique associée à l'accent initial et la durée vocalique caractérisant un accent initial emphatique. Les attaques de syllabes initiales accentuées, quant à elles, se sont allongées. Ce résultat suggère que les corrélats de durée de l'accent initial ont changé au cours du temps, dans le style journalistique français.

Terminology has conventionally been biased in favour of synchrony and most studies carried out in the field have remained fixed on specialised language at a point in time. After having listed the possible reasons for the lack in the production of diachronic accounts of specialised languages, we shall discuss new developments, in the theory as well as in the methodology, of what may be called “modern” terminology. We will then show that the use of corpus linguistics and computer science has undoubtedly helped “modern” terminology to focus more on corpus provision and study in diachrony. We will finally show that a lot remains to be done for diachrony to join synchrony as a major interest of study in terminology, making it an area ripe for growth.

Localised and dated administrative documents and other such textual resources in three Anglo-Norman electronic corpora provide a new perspective on variation in pre-modern French. They may offer insights into important aspects of spatial and register variation across time. These new resources allow for a better-informed picture of semantic-pragmatic changes in the history of French than is available in traditional approaches favouring the development of francien and standard French. It is shown here that the the connectives pourtant et à cause que appear in Anglo-Norman with their present-day meanings well before the dates proposed in historical reference dictionaries. Frequent data occurrences available from Anglo-Norman texts of the XIVth century will facilitate the investigation of the beginnings of semantic changes in post-medieval French lexis.